The Slovak prime minister has been talking about dark plots to topple his government.
Slovakia is engulfed in an unprecedented wave of aggression, political chaos and uncertainty. Robert Fico's ruling coalition is falling apart, and he himself is speaking of plans for a coup d'état. His rhetoric has grown even more aggressive and paranoid following an assassination attempt on him, which has not gone unnoticed by Slovak psychiatrists and psychologists. Approximately 600 of them have signed an open letter urging him to consider stepping down from office.
Fico's government coalition won the 2023 elections with a promise to bring calm and stability to society. However, the reality shows the opposite is happening. Aggression and the spread of fear based on fiction have spread among the population and become more intense than ever before.
Various forms of verbal violence and threats are no longer limited to heated exchanges between politicians in the political arena. Since the beginning of the new year, they have begun to be directed at students and ordinary citizens who have been peacefully protesting against the government for months.
In mid-January, a young Slovak student named Simon performed an unprecedented act of defiance against politics rooted in lies. During a ceremonial student award presentation, he refused to shake hands with President Peter Pellegrini. This was his way of expressing disagreement with how Pellegrini conducted his election campaign, particularly his attacks on his opponent, Ivan Korčok.
A video of Simon’s gesture quickly went viral. Fico responded by saying, “someone needs three slaps.” This was not his first aggressive reaction to student criticism of political power. In the past, he mockingly commented on the “teenage pimples” of a student who dared to question figures close to the government.
The desire to attack brave students says a lot about Fico. Such behavior is not only undignified for a prime minister but also paradoxical in a country that owes much of its freedom to the courage of students during the November 1989 revolution.
Fico's government coalition won the 2023 elections with a promise to bring calm and stability to society. However, the reality shows the opposite is happening. Aggression and the spread of fear based on fiction have spread among the population and become more intense than ever before.
Various forms of verbal violence and threats are no longer limited to heated exchanges between politicians in the political arena. Since the beginning of the new year, they have begun to be directed at students and ordinary citizens who have been peacefully protesting against the government for months.
A gesture of defiance
In mid-January, a young Slovak student named Simon performed an unprecedented act of defiance against politics rooted in lies. During a ceremonial student award presentation, he refused to shake hands with President Peter Pellegrini. This was his way of expressing disagreement with how Pellegrini conducted his election campaign, particularly his attacks on his opponent, Ivan Korčok.
A video of Simon’s gesture quickly went viral. Fico responded by saying, “someone needs three slaps.” This was not his first aggressive reaction to student criticism of political power. In the past, he mockingly commented on the “teenage pimples” of a student who dared to question figures close to the government.
The desire to attack brave students says a lot about Fico. Such behavior is not only undignified for a prime minister but also paradoxical in a country that owes much of its freedom to the courage of students during the November 1989 revolution.
Fearmongering about a coup d'état
Fico has also taken his aggressive rhetoric to a new level, extending it to ordinary citizens. He began claiming that the mass protests against his government, which have been ongoing across Slovakia for nearly a year, could escalate into violence and clashes between security forces and citizens.
According to Fico, such violence could act as a trigger for a coup d'état, prompting the government to take preventive measures. The specifics of these measures, however, remain undisclosed to the public.
In a country that remembers the brutal beatings of demonstrators by police in 1989, these statements are deeply troubling—especially coming from a prime minister who has the authority to order the use of force.
Opposition leaders have warned that provocateurs could be deliberately planted among the protesters to incite clashes with the police. The aftermath could potentially lead to a “top-down coup," where the ruling elite uses unconstitutional means, including violence, to tighten their grip on power.
The fearmongering about street unrest appears absurd, as the protests have so far remained entirely peaceful. Organizers consistently emphasize their rejection of violence, and tens of thousands of Slovaks regularly gather in city squares to voice their opinions, often bringing young children along.
Fico, however, insists that dark schemes are unfolding behind the scenes of these protests, aiming at a coup, road blockades and the occupation of government buildings. His claims are based solely on a single email intercepted by the Slovak Information Service (SIS) during its surveillance of anti-government protest organizers.
According to Fico, such violence could act as a trigger for a coup d'état, prompting the government to take preventive measures. The specifics of these measures, however, remain undisclosed to the public.
In a country that remembers the brutal beatings of demonstrators by police in 1989, these statements are deeply troubling—especially coming from a prime minister who has the authority to order the use of force.
Opposition leaders have warned that provocateurs could be deliberately planted among the protesters to incite clashes with the police. The aftermath could potentially lead to a “top-down coup," where the ruling elite uses unconstitutional means, including violence, to tighten their grip on power.
The fearmongering about street unrest appears absurd, as the protests have so far remained entirely peaceful. Organizers consistently emphasize their rejection of violence, and tens of thousands of Slovaks regularly gather in city squares to voice their opinions, often bringing young children along.
Fico, however, insists that dark schemes are unfolding behind the scenes of these protests, aiming at a coup, road blockades and the occupation of government buildings. His claims are based solely on a single email intercepted by the Slovak Information Service (SIS) during its surveillance of anti-government protest organizers.
Abuse of the Intelligence Service
The email in question was part of a classified report that the prime minister read aloud during a parliamentary session addressing a vote of no confidence. The email's content was quickly claimed publicly by its creators, who revealed that it had been generated by ChatGPT. The suggestion of a peaceful occupation of roads and buildings was merely one of the options offered by AI. This revelation turned the intelligence report into a comical episode but also exposed a deeply troubling reality.
It became clear that Slovak Intelligence Service (SIS) agents have been monitoring and wiretapping civilian organizers of anti-government protests, journalists and opposition figures. Fico admitted that they have access to photos and can trace financial transactions. In response, the opposition party SaS has filed a criminal complaint alleging abuse of the intelligence service.
The surveillance of political opponents and journalists is characteristic of autocratic regimes and carries a particularly dark track record in Slovakia. The illegal surveillance of journalist Ján Kuciak provided crucial information to those who orchestrated his murder, and during Vladimír Mečiar’s era, the intelligence service was implicated in the killing of Róbert Remiáš. The SIS report also played a key role in the 2021 police war, a major internal conflict within Slovak law enforcement.
Slovakia is a country going through difficult times. People are struggling with rising prices, the healthcare system is on its knees, a poorly secured land registry was rendered inoperable by a cyberattack and children fear attending school due to constant bomb threats. Recently, the nation was shaken by a brutal attack in which a student fatally stabbed a teacher and a classmate.
The ruling coalition lacks a stable majority in parliament, with coalition MP Roman Michelko (SNS) even admitting that Fico's government is now a minority one. Massive anti-government protests in Slovak town squares have only heightened the frustration within the coalition while boosting the opposition’s popularity.
Fico seems to lack the political strength or skills to address these pressing issues. Instead, he attempts to distract society with emotional and fear-driven topics that act as a smokescreen for the country's real problems. He constantly shifts focus to geopolitical themes, professes his admiration for Russia, warns of supposed hostile forces threatening Slovakia, demonizes LGBTI topics and recently even introduced theories about a “Ukrainian Maidan” being planned in Slovakia, allegedly orchestrated by people funded by the U.S.
His statements are filled with baseless claims that resemble conspiracy theories. Fico has even implicated foreign media in his narratives about a coup d'état, claiming they are part of a “broader international scenario” aimed at toppling him, as the whole world supposedly would love to see him fall.
It became clear that Slovak Intelligence Service (SIS) agents have been monitoring and wiretapping civilian organizers of anti-government protests, journalists and opposition figures. Fico admitted that they have access to photos and can trace financial transactions. In response, the opposition party SaS has filed a criminal complaint alleging abuse of the intelligence service.
The surveillance of political opponents and journalists is characteristic of autocratic regimes and carries a particularly dark track record in Slovakia. The illegal surveillance of journalist Ján Kuciak provided crucial information to those who orchestrated his murder, and during Vladimír Mečiar’s era, the intelligence service was implicated in the killing of Róbert Remiáš. The SIS report also played a key role in the 2021 police war, a major internal conflict within Slovak law enforcement.
Fear or paranoia?
Slovakia is a country going through difficult times. People are struggling with rising prices, the healthcare system is on its knees, a poorly secured land registry was rendered inoperable by a cyberattack and children fear attending school due to constant bomb threats. Recently, the nation was shaken by a brutal attack in which a student fatally stabbed a teacher and a classmate.
The ruling coalition lacks a stable majority in parliament, with coalition MP Roman Michelko (SNS) even admitting that Fico's government is now a minority one. Massive anti-government protests in Slovak town squares have only heightened the frustration within the coalition while boosting the opposition’s popularity.
Fico seems to lack the political strength or skills to address these pressing issues. Instead, he attempts to distract society with emotional and fear-driven topics that act as a smokescreen for the country's real problems. He constantly shifts focus to geopolitical themes, professes his admiration for Russia, warns of supposed hostile forces threatening Slovakia, demonizes LGBTI topics and recently even introduced theories about a “Ukrainian Maidan” being planned in Slovakia, allegedly orchestrated by people funded by the U.S.
His statements are filled with baseless claims that resemble conspiracy theories. Fico has even implicated foreign media in his narratives about a coup d'état, claiming they are part of a “broader international scenario” aimed at toppling him, as the whole world supposedly would love to see him fall.
Fico’s increasingly paranoid and aggressive rhetoric led to an open letter from over 600 Slovak psychiatrists and psychologists, who publicly urged him to step down from high-level politics, arguing that he is harming the country.
The letter accused Fico of behaving in an authoritarian manner, lying, attacking his opponents and prioritizing his personal power over the nation's well-being. “It seems that the aggressiveness and emotional volatility in your public appearances have intensified after the attempt on your life,” the mental health experts noted.
People close to the prime minister admit that he has struggled to process the assassination attempt in May, which left him seriously wounded, and refuses to accept that it was merely the act of a confused pensioner. He continues to see it as part of a grand opposition conspiracy. This fixation is one reason why the police have still not completed their investigation, despite seven months passing and a confession made in custody by the perpetrator.
The assassination attempt is a recurring theme in Fico’s speeches, now even tied to his theory of an impending coup. In public appearances, he frequently revisits how the police under the previous government almost jailed him, how he was later shot in the abdomen, and now wonders aloud, “who knows if the protest organizers are armed and what they are capable of?”
His demeanor suggests that he is gripped by a fear of death, a loss of power and the possibility of renewed police investigations. These appear to be the driving factors shaping both his politics and behavior today.
The situation in Slovakia is increasingly unpredictable, with the government’s efforts to discredit the opposition and organizers of anti-government protests giving the impression that an early election campaign has already begun. In public opinion polls, the opposition party Progressive Slovakia consistently leads, and the upcoming February parliamentary session could fully expose the fragility of Fico’s government majority of one. In that case, the question of early elections would become pressing.
For now, Fico is attempting to downplay the government’s problems while fervently dismissing concerns about a potential exit from the European Union. This effort seems aimed at putting the genie back in the bottle after his party colleague Tibor Gašpar floated the idea of “Slovexit."
Fico appears to have recognized that Gašpar’s statement was poorly timed—that the public is not yet sufficiently “conditioned” by anti-Western and pro-Russian rhetoric to embrace such a radical notion.
Discussions about leaving the EU could, in fact, become the very trigger that energizes the opposition, mobilizes voters and propels the country toward early elections. Fico seems aware that the idea of Slovexit could backfire and serve as a rallying cry for those eager for political change.
The letter accused Fico of behaving in an authoritarian manner, lying, attacking his opponents and prioritizing his personal power over the nation's well-being. “It seems that the aggressiveness and emotional volatility in your public appearances have intensified after the attempt on your life,” the mental health experts noted.
People close to the prime minister admit that he has struggled to process the assassination attempt in May, which left him seriously wounded, and refuses to accept that it was merely the act of a confused pensioner. He continues to see it as part of a grand opposition conspiracy. This fixation is one reason why the police have still not completed their investigation, despite seven months passing and a confession made in custody by the perpetrator.
The assassination attempt is a recurring theme in Fico’s speeches, now even tied to his theory of an impending coup. In public appearances, he frequently revisits how the police under the previous government almost jailed him, how he was later shot in the abdomen, and now wonders aloud, “who knows if the protest organizers are armed and what they are capable of?”
His demeanor suggests that he is gripped by a fear of death, a loss of power and the possibility of renewed police investigations. These appear to be the driving factors shaping both his politics and behavior today.
Slovexit as a trigger
The situation in Slovakia is increasingly unpredictable, with the government’s efforts to discredit the opposition and organizers of anti-government protests giving the impression that an early election campaign has already begun. In public opinion polls, the opposition party Progressive Slovakia consistently leads, and the upcoming February parliamentary session could fully expose the fragility of Fico’s government majority of one. In that case, the question of early elections would become pressing.
For now, Fico is attempting to downplay the government’s problems while fervently dismissing concerns about a potential exit from the European Union. This effort seems aimed at putting the genie back in the bottle after his party colleague Tibor Gašpar floated the idea of “Slovexit."
Fico appears to have recognized that Gašpar’s statement was poorly timed—that the public is not yet sufficiently “conditioned” by anti-Western and pro-Russian rhetoric to embrace such a radical notion.
Discussions about leaving the EU could, in fact, become the very trigger that energizes the opposition, mobilizes voters and propels the country toward early elections. Fico seems aware that the idea of Slovexit could backfire and serve as a rallying cry for those eager for political change.
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